Language: Korean (Spoken Korean as used in and around Seoul)
Contributors: Soung-U Kim
References: O'Grady 1991.0; Yeon 2003.0; Lee and Ramsey 2000.0; Yi 2010.0; Park 2010.0; Song 2012.0; Seo 2012.0; NIKL nd; Kim 2010.0; Kroeger 2004.0; Kim 2012.0; Sohn 1999.0; Evans 2010.0; Haspelmath 1995.0; Brown et al. 2012.0; Song 2005.0; Comrie 1981.0; Creissels 2010.0; Creissels 2013.0; Shibatani 1994.0; Plank 1995.0; Moseley 2010.0; King 2006.0; Lee and Thompson 1989.0; Kim 2008.0; Maling 1989.0; Kim and Maling 1993.0; Kang 2007.0; Lee 2008.0; Evans 2007.0; Schütze 2001.0
Simplex verb
Verb meaning: GO [go]
Comment: Different coding patterns are available for this verb. The NOM-LOC coding pattern has been chosen as the basic one here. A locativ-marked argument emphasizes the intention of the goer (ex. 29). A directional argument emphasizes the direction of motion (ex. 30). Example 143 suggests that this verb has NOM-ACC as an alternative coding pattern, although ex. 311 shows case stacking of locative case and some other marker that appears to be accusative case. Such an 'accusative' case marker however seems to appear on a wide range of syntactic adjuncts such as number phrases (cf. English, He ran 3 metres and sat down), and it is not clear what this marker actually is. In this case however one might suggest that whenever -reul appears alone on an NP, it could be that the locative marker has been dropped, of which the possibility has been shown in ex. 31. On the other hand, the Korean equivalent to GO can appear with an additional 'accusative'-marked NP that refers to the path of a motion (ex. 143, 178). As opposed to the goal NPs from above however, no locative-'accusative' stacking seems to be possible here. A NOM-ACC coding pattern then would suggest that we have a transitivity alternation here, although the 'accusative'-marked NP cannot be 'promoted' to subject function through passivisation. See the entry for 'way/number alternation'.
Examples: see at the bottom
Schema: 1-nom 2-loc V
# | Microrole | Coding set | Argument type |
---|---|---|---|
1 | goer | NP-nom | S |
2 | going goal | NP-loc | L |
(29) |
아주머니가 시장에 갔다. Ajumeoniga sijange gatta. ajumeoni-ga madam-NOM sijang-e market-LOC ga-ss-da go-PST-DECL The madam went to the market (to do something there). Comment: GO with locative marking on its goal argument puts an emphasis on the intentions and motivations of the agent, whereas marking with directional -euro would put an emphasis on the direction of motion. |
Alternation | Derived coding frame | Occurs | Comment | # Ex. | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
(30) |
아주머니가 시장으로 갔다. Ajumeoniga sijangeuro gatta. ajumeoni-ga madam-NOM sijang-euro market-DIR ga-ss-da go-PST-DECL The madam went to the market. Comment: GO with locative marking on its goal argument puts an emphasis on the intentions and motivations of the agent, whereas marking with directional -euro would put an emphasis on the direction of motion. (cf. ex. 29) |
(31) |
저 시장 가요. Jeo sijang gayo. jeo I sijang=ga-yo market=go-POL I'm going to the market./I'm going for some grocery shopping. Comment: As seen above, the locational argument of GO can occur without case marking. Prosodically, the locational argument and the verb seem to become one unit. Note the slight differences in translation. |
(142) |
마추픽추를 가보셨어요? Machupicchureul ga bosyeosseoyo? Machupicchu-reul Machu_Picchu-ACC ga go:CONV bo-si-eoss-eoyo see-HON-PST-POL Have you ever been to Machu Picchu? Comment: An example where a directional argument is not marked with locative, but with accusative case. |
(143) |
길을 가던 사람을 붙잡았다. Gireul gadeon sarameul bujjabatta. gil-eul way-ACC ga-deon go-ATTR.EV.PST saram-eul person-ACC bujjab-ass-da stop-PST-DECL I stopped a/the person who was walking along the way. |
(178) |
넌 니 길을 가고, 난 네 길을 갈테니 상관 마. Neon ni gireul gago, nan ne gireul galteni sanggwan ma. neo-n you-TOP ni your gil-eul way-ACC ga-go go-CONV na-n I-TOP ne my gil-eul way-ACC ga-lte-ni go-PLAIN-CONV sanggwan meddling ma IMP.NEG You'll go your way and I'll go mine, so don't butt in. Comment: An example where GO can appear with a way-argument (that is, a word that stands for the path of a motion) in accusative case. Such a construction is different from a 'true' Korean transitive construction since alternations such as passivisation (e.g., ji-passivisation) cannot apply (although this is rather solely based on my intuition than on a multiplicity of grammaticality judgments from different speakers). |
(310) |
나는 오늘 시장에를 갔다. Naneun oneul sijangereul katta. na-neun 1SG-TOP oneul today sijang-e-reul market-LOC-ACC ka-ss-da go-PST-DECL I went to the market today. |