Alternations of Yaqui

Alternations
Alternation name Description Examples Verbs
C
y The verb employs the -ria suffix for introducing a new participant (recipient or benefactive).
(174)
U yoeme kobata au bektariak.
u
det
yoeme
man
koba-ta
head-acc
au
refl
bekta-ria-k
shave-appl-pfv
‘The man shaved his head.’
49
C
y The verb changes from a transitive form into an intransitive by using a different ending, i.e. -(t)a for transitives and -(t)e for intransitives. The subject of the intransitive form might be the object of the transitive version. There is no causation involved.
(448)
U wikia chuktek.
u
det
wikia
rope
chukte-k
cut.intr-pfv
‘The rope is cut.’
9
C
y The verb takes a prefix ji'i- (which is related to the word jita 'something'). By using it, the verb becomes intransitive.
(60)
U yoeme ji'ibweje.
u
det
yoeme
man
ji'i-bweje
something-dig
‘The man is digging.’
3
C
y This alternation allows the verb to take an object or locative argument within the verb i.e. nominal incorporation. The noun incorporated into the verb lacks any case markers.
(122)
Juan mariata tominu'uka.
Juan
Juan
Maria-ta
Maria-acc
tomi-nu'u-ka
money-take-pfv
‘Juan takes the money from Maria. \ lit. Juan money-takes from Maria.’
11
C
y The verb is marked with the -tu suffix, which is the inchoative marker.
(180)
U mansana bwa'atuk.
u
det
mansana
apple
bwa'a-tu-k
eat-inch-pfv
‘The apple is gone.’
43
U
n For many verbs it is necessary to include a noun object with the verb, even if the object of the verb is unspecified. The object could be jita 'something' for things or yee 'people' for humans. The sense of the verb is less specific. It is marked as uncoded due to the fact that the object is not expressed within the verb (cf. Intransitivizer incorporation: ji'i).
(150)
Ume sabanam kaa yee papatta.
ume
det.pl
sabana-m
sheet-pl
kaa
neg
yee
people
pa~patta
rdp~cover
‘These sheets do not cover (people).’
33
U
n The object argument is marked with the locative suffix: -po or -t. Most of the verbs with this alternation have the analogous construction using the accusative suffix: -ta.
(163)
Juan pelootampo yeewe.
Juan
Juan
pelootam-po
ball-loc
yeewe
play
‘Juan is playing soccer.’
9
C
y The verb employs the -tua suffix, which introduces a new participant (causer) to the event. It is an alternation that occurs regularly with any verb.
(172)
U yeeka yuktuak.
u
det
yeeka
wind
yuk-tua-k
rain-caus-pfv
‘The wind caused it to rain.’
74
U
n One of the participants is marked with the directional suffix -u and the accusative suffix -ta, resulting in the directional benefactive (i.e. oblique) marker -tau.
(184)
Juan uusitau bitchu.
Juan
Juan
uusi-ta-u
child-acc-dir
bitchu
see
‘Juan sees the child.’
8
C
y The event is presented as a state or result. Consequently, the verbs using this alternation are intransitive.
(182)
Maria ibaktari.
Maria
Maria
ibakta-ri
hug-res
‘Maria is being hugged.’
40
C
y The verb is marked with the suffix -wa and the patient participant is expressed as the subject of the event.
(568)
Ju tomi a'auwa.
ju
det
tomi
money
a'au-wa
ask_for-pass
‘The money was asked for. / The money was required.’
53
C
y In this alternation, the causal alternant is formed by replacing the final -te by -ta. There are cases in which the alternation causes a change in the verbal form, those are the cases of verbs ending on -ke: e.g. waake 'to be dry' > waacha 'to dry something'; yejte 'to sit (down)' > yecha 'to seat'.
(86)
Juan karita beetak.
Juan
Juan
kari-ta
house-acc
beeta-k
burn.trns-pfv
‘Juan burned the house.’
5
C
y In this alternation, the applicative alternant is formed by replacing the final -te by -ta. There is no causation involved.
(129)
Wakas korata chepta.
wakas
cow
kora-ta
fence-acc
chepta
jump
‘The cow jumps over the fence.’
4