Alternations of Hokkaido Japanese

Alternations
Alternation name Description Examples Verbs
C
y Suffixation of lexical transitivity alternation suffixes -e and -ar results in this alternation. The agent argument is removed and the internal argument (in most cases, theme argument) is promoted to subject position.
(15)
Syo:nenga mieta.
syo:nen=ga
boy=NOM
mie-ta
see-PST
‘The boy was seen.’
22
C
y Suffixation of lexical transitivity alternation suffixes -e and -as results in this alternation. The agent argument is introduced into the subject position and the theme argument of the corresponding intransitive verb is demoted to direct object.
(37)
Sono musumega sono otokoni syo:nen{no kotoo/nituite} siraseta.
sono
that
musume=ga
girl=NOM
sono
that
otoko=ni
man=DAT
syo:nen={no
boy={GEN
koto=o/nituite}
thing=ACC/about}
sirase-ta
let.know-PST
‘That girl let that man know about the boy.’
11
C
y The passive predicate is formed through suffixation of /rare/. DO passivization causes the promotion of the direct object into subject position and the demotion of the subject. The demoted subject is case-marked with the dative case particle =ni or the complex case particle =niyotte.
(2)
Panwa onnanokoni taberareta.
pan=wa
bread=TOP
onnanoko=ni
girl=DAT
tabe-rare-ta
eat-PASS-PST
‘The bread was eaten by the girl.’
58
C
y A-nom (L-dat) X-acc V <> C-nom A-dat (L-dat) P-acc V-sase
A-nom L/R-dat T-acc V <> C-nom A-dat R/L-dat T-acc V-sase
A-nom L-acc P-inst V <> C-nom A-dat L-acc P-inst V-sase
A-nom L-acc V <> C-nom A-{acc/dat} L-abl V-sase
A-nom L-acc V <> C-nom A-dat P-acc V-sase
A-nom L-dat P-acc V <> C-nom A-dat P-acc L-dat V-sase
A-nom L-dat T-acc V <> C-nom A-dat L-dat T-acc V-
sase
A-nom L-dat V <> C-nom A-{dat/acc} L-dat V-
sase
A-nom L-dat V <> C-nom A-acc P-dat V-
sase
A-nom P-acc L-dat V <> C-nom A-dat P-acc L-dat V-
sase
A-nom P-acc V <> C-nom A-dat P-acc V-
sase
A-nom P-dat V <> C-nom A-acc P-dat V-
sase
A-nom R-dat P-acc V <> C-nom A-dat R-dat P-acc V-
sase
A-nom R-dat T-acc V <> C-nom A-dat R-dat T-acc V-
sase
A-nom R-gen=
tokoro-dat T-acc V <> C-nom A-dat R-gen=tokoro-dat T-acc V-sase
A-nom R-gen-
tokoro-dat T-acc V <> C-nom A-dat R-gen-tokoro-dat T-acc V-sase
A-nom T-acc V <> C-nom A-dat T-acc V-
sase
A-nom X-{com/dat} V <> C-nom A-acc X-{com/dat} V-
sase
A-nom X-abl P-acc V <> C-nom A-dat P-acc V-
sase
A-nom X-abl P-acc V <> C-nom A-dat X-abl P-acc V-
sase
A-nom X-abl P-acc V <> C-nom A-dat X-abl T-acc V-
sase
A-nom X-acc V <> C-nom A-dat X-acc V-
sase
A-nom X-acc Y-com V <> C-nom A-dat X-acc Y-com V-
sase
A-nom X-dat "…" V <> C-nom A-dat X-dat Y-acc V-
sase
A-nom X-
nituite V <> C-nom A-dat X-nituite V-sase
A-nom Y-dat X-acc V <> C-nom A-dat X-acc (*Y-dat) V-
sase
A-nom Y-dat X-acc V <> C-nom A-dat Y-dat X-acc V-
sase
A-nom Y-dat X-gen-
koto-acc V <> C-nom A-dat Y-dat X-gen-koto-acc V-sase
E-nom M-acc V <> C-nom E-dat St-acc V-
sase
E-nom St-acc V <> C-nom E-dat St-acc V-
sase
E-nom St-acc V <> C-nom Exp-dat St-acc V-
sase
E-nom T-acc V <> C-nom E-acc V-
sase
Exp-nom P-acc V <> C-nom A-dat P-acc V-
sase
S-nom L-dat V <> C-nom S-{dat/acc} L-dat V-
sase
S-nom L-dat V <> C-nom S-acc L-dat V-
sase
S-nom V <> ?-
sase
S-nom V <> C-nom A-dat (Path-acc) V-
sase
S-nom V <> C-nom S-{dat/acc} V-
sase
S-nom V <> C-nom S-acc V-
sase
S-nom V <> C-nom S-dat (X-acc) V-
sase
S-nom V <> C-nom S-dat V-
sase
(3)
Darekaga syo:zyoni pano tabesaseta.
dareka=ga
someone=NOM
syo:zyo=ni
girl=DAT
pan=o
bread=ACC
tabe-sase-ta
eat-CAUS-PST
‘Someone made the girl eat the bread.’
77
C
y The potential predicate is formed through suffixation of the potential suffixes /e/ and /rare/. The allomorph is determined by the phonological shape of the verb root. When the verb root ends with a consonant, /e/ is selected. For the other cases, /rare/ is selected. The allomorph /rare/ optionally undergoes deletion of /ra/ and it is realized as /re/. The potential 1 construction describes the ability of the agent. The case frame of this construction is the same as that of the corresponding active sentence. In Standard Japanese potential constructions, the subject may be case-marked in the dative. On the other hand, in this dialect, this type of case alternation does not occur. This alternation does not change the valency.
(12)
(Subasikkoinode) musumewa otokoni dakitukeru.
subasikko-i=node
agile-NPST=because
musume=wa
girl=TOP
otoko=ni
man=DAT
dakituk-e-ru
hug-POT-NPST
‘(Because she is quick,) the girl can hug the man.’
75
C
y Anticausativization in the Hokkaido dialect employs the suffix /rasar/ as a morphological marker. Anticausativization in this dialect applies to the accomplishment transitive verbs. Direct objects in the active sentences correspond to the anticausative subject. Activity verbs can be anticausativized when the combination of verb and object implies a change of state.
(49)
Kono koppuwa arawasatta.
kono
this
koppu=wa
cup=TOP
araw-asat-ta
wash-AC-PST
‘This cup got washed.’
32
C
y The passive predicate is formed through suffixation of /rare/. IO passivization causes the promotion of the indirect object into subject position and the demotion of the subject. The demoted subject is case-marked with the dative case particle =ni or the complex case particle =niyotte. The direct object remains in accusative.
(10)
Otokoga musumeni dakitukareta.
otoko=ga
man=NOM
musume=ni
girl=DAT
dakituk-are-ta
hug-PASS-PST
‘The man was hugged by the girl.’
13
C
y The potential predicate is formed through suffixation of the potential suffixes /e/ and /rare/. The allomorph is determined by the phonological shape of the verb root. When the verb root ends with a consonant, /e/ is selected. For the other cases, /rare/ is selected. The allomorph /rare/ optionally undergoes deletion of /ra/ and it is realized as /re/. The potential 2 construction describes a property of a certain entity. In this construction, the agent is removed.
(5)
Ano kinokowa tabe(ra)reru.
ano
that
kinoko=wa
mushroom=TOP
tabe-(ra)re-ru
eat-POT-NPST
‘That mushroom is edible.’
34