Alternations of Jaminjung

Alternations
Alternation name Description Examples Verbs
C
y S = A. The uninflected verb (UV) appears either with the intransitive stative inflecting verb gayu 'be' or a transitive stative verb such as ganingawu 'see'. This alternation mainly applies to UVs of direction of gaze.
(6)
Buliki thanthuwurlangining mung gayu.
buliki
cow
thanthu-wurla-ngining
DEM-DIR-LOC.ALL
mung
look.at
ga-yu
3SG.S-be.PRS
‘The cow is looking in that direction.’
3
C
y S = P. The same UV (Uninflecting Verb) is used both with an intransitive IV (inflecting Verb) and a transitive IV. S in the intransitive version corresponds to P in the transitive version; however, the semantics is not causative/inchoative. This alternation is marginal in terms of the UVs involved.
(10)
Ngabuj gayu guyug.
ngabuj
smell
ga-yu
3SG.S-be.PRS
guyug
fire
‘The fire smells.’
1
C
y (Infrequent type of) alternation which only applies to UVs such as jurriya 'knowledgeable/know' which have dual part of speech membership i.e. can double as predicative nominals and therefore occur in a verbless clause. The alternation is between the verbless clause with the main argument in the absolutive but cross-referenced by a dative pronominal clitic if animate, and a verbal clause where the predicate is combined with the intransitive stative IV gagba 'be' and the main argument in the absolutive and cross-referenced by the S prefix on the IV.
(15)
Mugurla, jurriya ngunggu yagbali?
mugurla
FaSi
jurriya
know
ngunggu
2SG.DAT
yagbali
place
‘Auntie, do you know the place?’
1
C
y S(A) = A. With this highly productive alternation, a telic complex predicate has an atelic counterpart with a UV derived from that employed in the telic counterpart by means of the continuous suffix -mayan or one of several non-productive counterparts e.g. -ja, -ib, -b. In other words, this alternation is not solely coded by means of a change of inflecting verb, but in addition morphologically coded on the uninflecting verb. The inflecting verb in the atelic combinations is invariably the intransitive stative/durative verb gagba 'be' or, less frequently, the verb gajgany 'go' in a 'prolonged durative' reading. The A or S argument in the telic alternant always corresponds to the sole absolutive argument (S) in the atelic alternant. With bivalent UVs, the atelic alternant may in addition also have an absolutive P.
(43)
Jardija <na> burragba yirrag <aian> <na>.
jardija
erect:CONT
na
now
burr-agba
3PL.S-be.PST.PFV
yirrag
1PL.EXCL.DAT
aian
iron
na
now
‘They were building us iron (houses) then.’
14
C
y S = P. In contrast to “pure” change of state predicates which in the inchoative alternant involve either the verb gajgany 'go' in a non-motion reading, or the IV gardbany ‘fall’ as the cause of the change of state, predicates of change of location and motion are compatible with verbs of locomotion (i.e. both gajgany 'go' and garumany ‘come’) in the inchoative alternant, as well as with gardbany ‘fall’. The causative alternants are mainly formed with the transitive IVs ganangu ‘get, handle, manipulate’, expressing removal from a location, ganarrany ‘put’ expressing placement in a location (i.e. the IV semantically entails that an endpoint is reached), ganardgiyany 'throw' and ganiyu 'say/do' both expressing caused ballistic motion, but also with specific IVs of contact and force, depending on the semantics of the UV. This alternation shows the inchoative alternants, while the Inchoative-causative alternation of UV with change of location predicates shows the causative alternants.
(44)
Yalamburrmabiya yinangunyi ngabulg gardbany (...).
yalamburrma=biya
saltwater.crocodile=SEQ
yina-ngunyi
DIST-ABL
ngabulg
bathe
ga-rdba-ny
3SG.S-fall-PST.PFV
‘The crocodile got into the water from there.’
4
C
y S = P. Stative coverbs expressing a position, posture, location, or configuration regularly occur with four inflecting verbs: stative intransitive IV gagba 'be' (stative alternant), intransitive change of location IV gardbany 'fall, change location' (inchoative alternant), transitive stative IV ganimuwa 'have' (causative stative alternant) and transitive change of location IV ganarrany 'put, cause to change location' (causative inchoative alternant). This alternation shows the inchoative alternants, while the Inchoative-causative-stative alternation of UV with predicates of location, position and configuration shows the causative alternants.
(82)
Yugung gajgany burri, jarligmarlang marrug gardbany.
yugung
run
ga-jga-ny
3SG.S-go-PST.PFV
burri
3PL
jalig=malang
child=GIVEN
marrug
hidden
ga-rdba-ny
3SG.S-fall-PST.PFV
‘He ran away from them, the child, and hid.’
8
C
y S = P. One of the most productive alternations corresponds to causative-inchoative alternations in other languages, restricted to externally caused change of state predicates (in the sense of Levin & Rappaport Hovav 1995) such as bag ‘break’. Formally, UVs of externally caused change of state are defined by the property, unique to members of this class, of forming inchoative complex predicates with the intransitive verb gajgany ‘go’ in a secondary sense of ‘state change’, indicating a completely unspecified cause, but not with other locomotion verbs. All UVs that meet this formal criterion encode a change of state which leads to some kind of abnormal result state, usually irreversible and undesirable, i.e. destruction or destabilisation. With these UVs a causing event can be specified, either with the intransitive IVs gardbany ‘fall’ (to express a change of state arising from contact with a location) and garna ‘burn’ (to express change of state resulting from heat), or, in the transitive causative alternants, by one of several IVs expressing contact and force with different types of instruments or trajectories of impact.
(52)
Majani yangarra digirrij gajgany.
majani
maybe
yangarra
kangaroo
digirrij
die
ga-jga-ny
3SG.S-go-PST.PFV
‘(Many kites are circling there), maybe a kangaroo died.’
3
C
y All morphologically transitive IVs except for ganiyu ‘say/do’ can take a suffix -ji/-ja which encodes both the reflexive and reciprocal function in the narrow sense, i.e. its use is restricted to agents acting upon themselves, or multiple agents acting upon each other. It thus has no additional functions such as middle or inchoative marking. In complex predicates, the productivity of reflexive/reciprocal marking is only restricted by semantic compatibility.
Formally, reflexive/reciprocal marking results in both morphological and syntactic intransitivity of the IV, i.e. the IV takes the intransitive paradigm of pronominal prefixes, and a single absolutive argument in the function of A=P.
(66)
Marlayi gurdurruni burramaja.
marlayi
woman
gurdurru-ni
fighting.stick-ERG/INST
burru-ma-ja
3PL.S-hit-REFL.PST.PFV
‘The women fought with fighting sticks.’
13
U
n Ditransitive predicates usually have two absolutive objects (T and R), and only R is indexed with the object prefix of the inflecting verb. The ditransitive alternation results in T rather than R being indexed. With some predicates R is attested encoded as a dative noun phrase. This alternation is marginal and mainly restricted to cases where T is animate. It is one of the few uncoded alternations in Jaminjung. 0
C
y (L/B = R obj). This alternation occurs with UVs semantically selecting for a locative argument L. In the locative alternant, this combines with a transitive IV, with L flagged by one of the spatial cases. In the "recipient" alternant, it combines with one of the two ditransitive IVs ganingarnany 'give' and ganiyunggany 'rob, take away from', with L encoded as R, indexed on the verb and absolutive object. This alternation is marginal in terms of the number of UVs participating in it.
(152)
Ngabunyngarnabiya <na:>, lawu.
nga-buny-ngarna=biya
1SG.A-POT:2DU.P-give=SEQ
na
now
lawu
spill/pour
‘I will pour it for you two. (Lit. 'I will give it to you two pouring').’
3
C
y S = P. A good illustration of how valency alternations are interwoven with the specific semantics of IVs are a class of predicates encoding conventionalised, culture-specific ways of applying heat. This includes not only manner of cooking, but also drying, applying heat or smoke for medicinal purposes and ritual cleansing, and the (usually deliberate) lighting of bush fires. For example, the UV murl ‘heat with hot ground or stones’ can describe both roasting of food in a ground oven (with stones), and heating parts of the human body by means of hot ground for medicinal purposes. None of these UVs entails that a state of change results from the application of heat (e.g. consumption by fire), although a number of them may convey, by implicature, the interpretation that the cooked, edible state of food is reached. UVs from this class combine with IVs garna ‘burn’ as well as with one of a number of transitive verbs. Usually, this is ganirriga ‘cook’, the transitive equivalent of garna, but other verbs are also possible.
(214)
Jalangbiyang, (gagawurli) bud ganirriga Namijni.
jalang=biyang
today=SEQ
gagawuli
long.yam
bud
cook.on.coals
gani-rriga
3SG.A:3SG.P-cook.PST.PFV
Namij-ni
Namij-ERG
‘Today, Namij cooked it in the ashes.’
1
C
y S = P. In Jaminjung, predicates of internal causation have the characteristic property of being formed with the IV ganiyu ‘say, do’. This includes predicates of sound emisson, speech act, internal motion, and bodily or emotional condition. Most of these do not undergo any valency alternations, but some of them, notably those of bodily or emotional condition, have a causative alternant. The IV used to form the causative alternant is either ganangu ‘get, handle’ in a reading of non-physical manipulation, or ganilinymany ‘make’ which otherwise is rarely used as a causative verb. The same two verbs are used to form causatives of some non-locative stative predicates such as jurriya 'know' which are therefore also included with this alternation.
(153)
Bujarl gunynganggam.
bujarl
sad/sorry
guny-ngangga-m
2DU.A:3SG.P-get/handle-PRS
‘You two make her sad.’
3
C
y S = A. A well-defined set of UVs participating in a transitivity alternation with non-causative semantics are UVs of manner or direction (path) of motion. These may all occur with both intransitive and transitive IVs of locomotion and characterise the manner/direction of motion of either S or A.
(137)
Yugung ganngungany (ngarrgina nanbarn).
yugung
run
gan-ngunga-ny
3SG.A:3SG.P-leave-PST.PFV
ngarrgina
1SG:POSS
nanbarn
wife
‘(My wife) ran away from me / left me running.’
5
C
y S = A. A small class of UVs encoding an activity participate in a transitivity alternation with non-causative semantics. In this case the intransitive alternant (mostly with IVs gagba 'BE' or gajgany 'GO') expresses the activity with no regard for the affected participant, and the transitive alternant (mostly with IV ganima ‘hit’ in a secondary sense of ‘affect completely') expresses the affectedness of a second participant by the activity. The difference to the separately listed telicity alternation is that the UV in the intransitive alternant is not morphologically marked, and that the intransitive alternant never allows an absolutive object.
(154)
Mayini gambaja gani-mangu janyungbari.
mayi-ni
man-ERG
gambaja
laugh
gani-mangu
3SG.A:3SG.P-hit.PST.PFV
janyungbari
other
‘The man laughed at (the other one).’
2
C
y (L/B = P). This alternation occurs with UVs semantically selecting for a locative argument L. It is attested for two UVs, the path UV walig ‘move in a circle-shaped path, move around’, and the positional dibird ‘be wound around something’. Both have in common that they semantically select for a location as well as a theme participant, and that, depending on the situation, the location can simultaneously be conceived of as a patient affected by the encirclement. In the locative alternant, the UVs combine with an intransitive IV, with L flagged by one of the spatial cases. In the “object” alternant, the UV combines with the transitive IVs ganangu ‘get/handle’ or ganima ‘hit’ (the latter in a secondary sense of “completely affect”). The operation is similar to an applicative, in that the locative is promoted to direct object status and encoded as P indexed on the verb and as absolutive object; compare the uses of dibird ‘be wound around something’ with the German near-equivalents sich wickeln (um L) and P umwickeln.
(180)
Jalyi jab gananggam.
jalyi
leaf
jab
become.detached
gan-angga-m
3SG.A:3SG.P-get/handle-PRS
‘She plucks off leaves (off a branch).’
2
C
y S = P. In contrast to “pure” change of state predicates which in the inchoative alternant involve either the verb gajgany 'go' in a non-motion reading, or the IV gardbany ‘fall’ as the cause of the change of state, predicates of change of location and motion are compatible with verbs of locomotion (i.e. both gajgany 'go' and garumany ‘come’) in the inchoative alternant, as well as with gardbany ‘fall’. The causative alternants are mainly formed with the transitive IVs ganangu ‘get, handle, manipulate’, expressing removal from a location, ganarrany ‘put’ expressing placement in a location (i.e. the IV semantically entails that an endpoint is reached), ganardgiyany 'throw' and ganiyu 'say/do' both expressing caused ballistic motion, but also with specific IVs of contact and force, depending on the semantics of the UV. This alternation shows the causative alternants, while the Causative-inchoative alternation of UV with change of location predicates shows the inchoative alternants.
(206)
Dididmayan ganardgiyany, .. ngabulu, dididmayan gardbany.
didid-mayan
roll-ITER
gana-rdgiya-ny
3SG.A:3SG.P-throw-PST.PFV
ngabulu
breastmilk
didid-mayan
roll-ITER
ga-rdba-ny
3SG.S-fall-PST.PFV
‘He rolled it down, the milk tin, it rolled down.’
2
C
y S = P. Stative coverbs expressing a position, posture, location, or configuration regularly occur with four inflecting verbs: stative intransitive IV gagba 'be' (stative alternant), intransitive change of location IV gardbany 'fall, change location' (inchoative alternant), transitive stative IV ganimuwa 'have' (causative stative alternant) and transitive change of location IV ganarrany 'put, cause to change location' (causative inchoative alternant). This alternation shows the causative alternants, while the Causative-inchoative-stative alternation of UV with predicates of location, position and configuration shows the inchoative alternants.
(181)
Thawu burrarram gugug <na>, gilwa.
thawu
immersed
burr-arra-m
3PL.A:3SG.P-put-PRS
gugu-g
water-LOC
na
now
gilwa
net
‘They immerse/sink the net in the water.’
2