hirojį

Coding frame

1 2 (3) und[2].act[1].V

Complex Verb form

Examples

(1382)

Wašjįkįkra iinį hiroajį.

wašjįk-įk=ra

rabbit-DIM=DEF

iinį

stone

hiro<ha>jį

<1E.A>throw

‘I threw a stone at the rabbit / I hit the rabbit with a stone.’

★

(37)

Jaagu'ų waǧįǧįra hįįrorajį?

jaagu'ų

why

waǧįǧį=ra

ball=DEF

hi<hį>ro<ra>jį

<1E.U><2.A>throw

‘Why did you throw the ball at me?’

★

(702)

Cii woomįšra nąąksikxete hiraajį.

cii_woomįš=ra

rug=DEF

nąąksik-xete

stick-be.big

hi-ho<ha>jį

APPL.INST-<1E.A>hit

‘I hit the rug with a big stick.’

★

(1169)

Jaagu'ų nąąksikaakre hiroįrajį?

jaagu'ų

why

nąąksik-aakre

stick-POS.HOR:PROX

hi-ho<hį-ra>jį

APPL.INST-<1E.U-2.A>hit

‘Why did you hit me with that stick?’

★

(1170)

Wakąra nąąksik hiraajį nąąžį.

waką=ra

snake=DEF

nąąksik

stick

hi-ho<ha>jį

APPL.INST-<1E.A>hit

nąą<ha>žį

<1E.A>stand

‘I stood there and beat the snake with a stick.’

★

Verb meanings , Microroles , Coding sets

Coding set

A coding set is the coding means of an argument. If the argument is only flagged (coded by an adposition or case), its coding set consists of the flag. If it is only indexed, the coding set consist of the index-series (e.g. subject marking). If it is both flagged and indexed, it consists of both flag and index-series.

and Argument types

Argument type

Arguments are classified into cross-linguistic argument types: A (argument coded like the 'breaker' of 'break'), P (argument coded like the 'broken thing' of 'break'), S (sole argument of a verb that lacks A and P), I (argument coded like the instrument of 'cut'), L (coded like the sitting location of 'sit'), and X (all others).

#	BEAT	THROW	Coding set	Argument type
1	beater	thrower	act.V	A
2	beatee	throwing goal	obj:und.V	P
3	beating instrument	thrown thing	Ø	I

Alternations

Alternation

A valency alternation is defined as a set of two different coding frames that are productively (or at least regularly) associated with both members of a set of verb pairs sharing the same verb stem. Alternations may be coded (marked by an affix on the verb, or by an auxiliary, like the English Passive) or uncoded (like the English Dative alternation).

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Alternation name	Occurs	Comment	Coded?	Derived Coding frame	Examples
C Benefactive/possession of U (+gi) more info	RRegularly		y	1 2 (3) 4 und[4].und[2].act[1].V'ben	(703) Hinųga Wiihąga cii woomįš ee hanįra nąąksik hirogijį. ‘Hinu beat his rug with a stick.’ ★ (1171) Wakąįk hanįra, nąąksik hiroįragijį? ‘Did you beat my snake with a stick?’ ★
C Instrumental applicative (+hi) more info	NNever	already part of the verb stem	y
C Locative applicative I (inessive) (+ho) more info	NNever		y
C Locative applicative II (superessive) (+ha) more info	NNever		y
C Reflexive (+kii) more info	RRegularly		y	1/2 (3) act[1/2].V'rfl/rcp	(1173) Nįįpaija šgaacirera, mąąha hirokijįire. ‘They played by the beach and threw mud at each other.’ ★ (1175) Hikinų nąąksik te'e hiroakijį. ‘I accidentally beat myself with this stick.’ ★
C Reciprocal (+kiki) more info	RRegularly	one ki- only	y	1/2 (3) act[1/2].V'rfl/rcp	(1174) Wooša hi'ų wašiirera, že'e wiirokijįire. ‘They used spears to dance with and they beat each other with them.’ ★
C Possessive reflexive (+kara) more info	RRegularly		y		(1172) Teegaga woowąkgejenį noixga hirokarajįire. ‘Teega was naughty so they beat him with ash wood.’ ★
C Reflexive & possessive reflexive (+ kii + kara) more info	NNever		y
C Instrumental & benefactive (+ hi + gi) more info	NNever		y
C Superessive & reflexive/reciprocal (+ ha + kii) more info	NNever		y
C Inessive & reflexive (+ ho + kii) more info	NNever		y
C Coercive/default causative (hii) more info	RRegularly		y	6 1 2 (3) und[2].und[1].act[6].V'caus
C Reflexive causative (kįį) more info	MMarginally		y		(1177) ?Wašjįkįkhižą hanąącapra, iinį hirojį hakį. ‘I scared out this little rabbit in front of me and made myself throw a stone at it/ hit it with a stone.’ ★ (1178) Wakąižą yaa'era nąąkawanųnįge nąąksik žiipįk hižą hanįajera hirojį hakį. ‘I found a snake and I was afraid, but I made myself beat it with the short stick I had.’ ★
C Permissive causative (gigi) more info	RRegularly		y	6 1 2 (3) und[2].und[1].act[6].V'caus	(1176) Wa'į hižą higišik hakąnąkwira, nee (hi)rojį hįgigiire. ‘The blanket we hung up they let me beat it.’ ★
C Resultative alternation more info	NNever		y
C Resultative & causative more info	NNever		y
C Superessive & benefactive (+ ha + gi) more info	NNever		y
C Inessive & benefactive (+ ho + gi) more info	NNever		y
C Superessive & possessive reflexive (+ ha + kara) more info	NNever		y
C Inessive & possessive reflexive (+ ho + kara) more info	NNever		y
C Instrumental & possessive reflexive (+ hi + kara) more info	NNever		y
C Instrumental & reflexive (+ hi + kii) more info	NNever		y
C Detransitive / slot filler (wa-) more info	NNever		y
C Possessive reflexive causative (karagi) more info	RRegularly		y	6 1 2 (3) und[2].und[1].act[6].V'caus	(1179) Waǧįǧį rušgap yaakiicgawira Kųnųga wiirojį sgįįgre hižą hirojį hakaragi. ‘I made Kunu hit with a heavy bat in baseball practice.’ ★
C Facilitative alternation more info	NNever		y

			*Valency Patterns Leipzig online database* is edited by Hartmann, Iren & Haspelmath, Martin & Taylor, Bradley and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported License.

hirojį

Coding frame × Coding frame The coding frame of a verb contains the information about the way its arguments are coded, either flagged (by adpositions and case-markers on the arguments) or indexed (by person-markers on the verb).

Examples × Example Glossed examples illustrate verbs, coding frames, and alternations.

Coding frame

Examples