gišiš

Coding frame

1 2 und[2].act[1].V

Simplex Verb form

Examples

(657)

Nąąksik eegi waažura, nee waraišiš?

nąąksik

stick

eegi

here

wa<ha>žu=ra

<1E.A>put.away=DEF

nee

2EMPH

wa-ra-gišiš

OBJ.3PL-2.A-break

‘I put some sticks here, did you break them?’

★

(671)

Huura hįraišišgųnį yaare.

huu=ra

leg=DEF

hį-ra-gišiš-gųnį

1E.U-2.A-break-DUB

hi<ha>re

<1E.A>think

‘I think you broke my leg.’

★

Verb meaning , Microroles , Coding sets

Coding set

A coding set is the coding means of an argument. If the argument is only flagged (coded by an adposition or case), its coding set consists of the flag. If it is only indexed, the coding set consist of the index-series (e.g. subject marking). If it is both flagged and indexed, it consists of both flag and index-series.

and Argument types

Argument type

Arguments are classified into cross-linguistic argument types: A (argument coded like the 'breaker' of 'break'), P (argument coded like the 'broken thing' of 'break'), S (sole argument of a verb that lacks A and P), I (argument coded like the instrument of 'cut'), L (coded like the sitting location of 'sit'), and X (all others).

#	BREAK	Coding set	Argument type
1	breaker	act.V	A
2	broken thing	obj:und.V	P

Alternations

Alternation

A valency alternation is defined as a set of two different coding frames that are productively (or at least regularly) associated with both members of a set of verb pairs sharing the same verb stem. Alternations may be coded (marked by an affix on the verb, or by an auxiliary, like the English Passive) or uncoded (like the English Dative alternation).

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Alternation name	Occurs	Coded?	Derived Coding frame	Examples
C Benefactive/possession of U (+gi) more info	RRegularly	y	1 2 4 und[4].und[2].act[1].V'ben	(658) Nąąsikra waįragiišišną? ‘Can you break my sticks for me?’ ★ (1036) Kųnųga hikinų wiišgacra wara(kara)giišiš? ‘Did you accidentally break your Kunu's toy?’ ★ (1260) Huura hįragiišišgųnį yaare. ‘I think you broke my leg.’ ★
C Instrumental applicative (+hi) more info	RRegularly	y	1 2 5 und[5].und[2].act[1].V'inst	(659) Nąąnąąka mąąs aakiake paahi wiigišišre! ‘Snap those branches with the double sided ax!’ ★
C Locative applicative I (inessive) (+ho) more info	RRegularly	y	1 2 (LOC)3 und[3].und[2].act[1].V'loc	(664) Nąąksikaaka kookeja hoišišre! ‘Break the wood into the box!’ ★
C Locative applicative II (superessive) (+ha) more info	NNever	y
C Reflexive (+kii) more info	RRegularly	y	1/2 act[1/2].V'rfl/rcp	(666) Huura hakiišiššąną. ‘I broke my leg.’ ★
C Reciprocal (+kiki) more info	RRegularly	y	1/2 act[1/2].V'rfl/rcp	(667) Waǧįǧį nąąxjak šgaacirega huura kikiišišire. ‘When they played football they broke each other's legs.’ ★
C Possessive reflexive (+kara) more info	RRegularly	y		(661) Nąąksikra hanąąc warakaraišiš? ‘Did you break all your twigs?’ ★ (1036) Kųnųga hikinų wiišgacra wara(kara)giišiš? ‘Did you accidentally break your Kunu's toy?’ ★ (1349) Wiišgacra warakaraišiš? ‘Did you break your toys?’ ★
C Reflexive & possessive reflexive (+ kii + kara) more info	NNever	y
C Instrumental & benefactive (+ hi + gi) more info	RRegularly	y		(660) Nąąka mąąs aakiake paahi hįįgiišišre! ‘Cut the log with the ax for me!’ ★
C Superessive & reflexive/reciprocal (+ ha + kii) more info	NNever	y
C Inessive & reflexive (+ ho + kii) more info	NNever	y
C Coercive/default causative (hii) more info	RRegularly	y	6 1 2 und[2].und[1].act[6].V'caus	(1261) Nąąxetera nee gišiš wįįre. ‘They made me break the big log.’ ★
C Reflexive causative (kįį) more info	RRegularly	y	6/1 2 und[2].act[6/1].V'caus	(673) Nąąp waigizara gišiš hakį. ‘I broke my finger (my fault).’ ★
C Permissive causative (gigi) more info	RRegularly	y	6 1 2 und[2].und[1].act[6].V'caus	(672) Nąąxetera nee gišiš hįgigiire. ‘They let me break the big log.’ ★
C Resultative alternation more info	RRegularly	y	2 und[2].V're	(668) Nąąksikra hanąąc šiišraire. ‘All the sticks are broken.’ ★
C Resultative & causative more info	RRegularly	y		(669) Nąąksikra hanąąc šiišre wahaa, hąke tooke wahanįgejenį eesge. ‘I caused the sticks to break because I didn't soak them.’ ★
C Superessive & benefactive (+ ha + gi) more info	NNever	y
C Inessive & benefactive (+ ho + gi) more info	RRegularly	y		(663) Kookjeega eja nąąksikra hųųgiišišre! ‘Break that wood into the box for me!’ ★
C Superessive & possessive reflexive (+ ha + kara) more info	NNever	y
C Inessive & possessive reflexive (+ ho + kara) more info	RRegularly	y		(665) Nąąksikaaka kookeja hokaraišišre! ‘Break your wood into that box!’ ★
C Instrumental & possessive reflexive (+ hi + kara) more info	RRegularly	y		(662) Nąąra hanąąc mąąs aakiake paahi wiirakaraišiš? ‘Did you cut all your wood with the ax?’ ★
C Instrumental & reflexive (+ hi + kii) more info	RRegularly	y		(670) Nąąra mąąs xete hikiišiššąną. ‘He broke the sticks for himself with an ax.’ ★
C Detransitive / slot filler (wa-) more info	NNever	y
C Possessive reflexive causative (karagi) more info	RRegularly	y	6 1 2 und[2].und[1].act[6].V'caus	(1037) Wiišgacra gišiš warakaragi? ‘Did you allow your toys to get broke?’ ★
C Facilitative alternation more info	RRegularly	y	2 und[2].V'RDP	(1377) Nąąxawaaka, šiišiš wa'ųąkšąną. ‘That log is weak and likely to break.’ ★

			*Valency Patterns Leipzig online database* is edited by Hartmann, Iren & Haspelmath, Martin & Taylor, Bradley and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported License.

gišiš

Coding frame × Coding frame The coding frame of a verb contains the information about the way its arguments are coded, either flagged (by adpositions and case-markers on the arguments) or indexed (by person-markers on the verb).

Examples × Example Glossed examples illustrate verbs, coding frames, and alternations.

Coding frame

Examples