k'ee

Coding frame

1 2 und[2].act[1].V

Simplex Verb form

Examples

(315)

Mąąra hak'e.

mąą=ra

earth=DEF

ha-k'ee

1E.A-dig

‘I'm digging the ground.’

★

(316)

Hopoxjaane nee rak'e?

hopox=jaane

hole=POS.VERT:PROX

nee

2EMPH

ra-k'ee

2.A-dig

‘Have you been digging this hole?’

★

Verb meaning , Microroles , Coding sets

Coding set

A coding set is the coding means of an argument. If the argument is only flagged (coded by an adposition or case), its coding set consists of the flag. If it is only indexed, the coding set consist of the index-series (e.g. subject marking). If it is both flagged and indexed, it consists of both flag and index-series.

and Argument types

Argument type

Arguments are classified into cross-linguistic argument types: A (argument coded like the 'breaker' of 'break'), P (argument coded like the 'broken thing' of 'break'), S (sole argument of a verb that lacks A and P), I (argument coded like the instrument of 'cut'), L (coded like the sitting location of 'sit'), and X (all others).

#	DIG	Coding set	Argument type
1	digger	act.V	A
2	dug hole/ground	obj:und.V	P

Alternations

Alternation

A valency alternation is defined as a set of two different coding frames that are productively (or at least regularly) associated with both members of a set of verb pairs sharing the same verb stem. Alternations may be coded (marked by an affix on the verb, or by an auxiliary, like the English Passive) or uncoded (like the English Dative alternation).

Filter by type:

Filter by occurrence:

Clear filters

Alternation name	Occurs	Comment	Coded?	Derived Coding frame	Examples
C Benefactive/possession of U (+gi) more info	RRegularly		y	1 2 4 und[4].und[2].act[1].V'ben	(318) Hopoxxeteižą hįragik'eną? ‘Can you dig a big hole for me?’ ★ (862) Hopoxxetera hižą hįragik'eną? ‘Can you dig a big hole for me?’ ★ (871) Moopoxeja hopoxra hižą hįragik'eną? ‘Can you dig a hole in the cave for me?’ ★
C Instrumental applicative (+hi) more info	RRegularly	kind of old fashioned	y	1 2 5 und[5].und[2].act[1].V'inst	(319) Wiigik'e yaa'ųanąga hopoxjaane ee yaak'e. ‘I used a shovel and dug this hole.’ ★ (1331) Hopoxjaane mąąhiwaǧap yaak'e. ‘I used a shovel and dug this hole.’ ★
C Locative applicative I (inessive) (+ho) more info	MMarginally		y		(870) Nąągu hikijąija hošorošeja hopoxižą hok'e wa'ų. ‘He dug a hole in the ditch by the road.’ ★
C Locative applicative II (superessive) (+ha) more info	RRegularly		y	1 2 (LOC)3 und[3].und[2].act[1].V'loc	(863) Xee goojaaka (hihakeja) hopoxižą hak'eire. ‘That hill over there, dig a hole on it.’ ★
C Reflexive (+kii) more info	MMarginally	only with benefactive meaning	y		(866) Hopoxjeega nee rakik'e? ‘Did you dig this hole for yourself?’ ★ (1286) Hopoxra nee rakik'e? ‘Did you dig the hole for yourself?’ ★
C Reciprocal (+kiki) more info	MMarginally	only with autobenefactive meaning	y		(869) Hopoxra waki(ki)k'eire. ‘They dug holes for each other.’ ★
C Possessive reflexive (+kara) more info	RRegularly		y		(317) Hopoxra nee hakarak'e. ‘I dug my own hole.’ ★
C Reflexive & possessive reflexive (+ kii + kara) more info	RRegularly		y		(868) Hopoxra nee rakikarak'e? ‘Did you dig the hole for yourself?’ ★
C Instrumental & benefactive (+ hi + gi) more info	MMarginally		y		(874) Hopoxhižą nąąksik higik'e. ‘He dug a hole for him with a stick.’ ★ (1288) Hopoxižą nąąksik hįįragik'eną? ‘Can you dig a hole with a stick for me?’ ★
C Superessive & reflexive/reciprocal (+ ha + kii) more info	MMarginally	with autobenefactive meaning only (e.g. for himself)	y		(867) Xeeja hopoxižą haakik'e. ‘I dug a hole for myself on that hill.’ ★
C Inessive & reflexive (+ ho + kii) more info	MMarginally		y		(1287) Moopoxeja hopoxhižą waakik'e. ‘I dug a hole for myself in that cave.’ ★
C Coercive/default causative (hii) more info	RRegularly		y	6 1 2 und[2].und[1].act[6].V'caus	(1341) Hopoxižą k'ee wįįre. ‘They had me dig a hole.’ ★
C Reflexive causative (kįį) more info	MMarginally		y		(878) Hopoxra k'ee hakį. ‘I made myself dig that hole.’ ★
C Permissive causative (gigi) more info	RRegularly		y	6 1 2 und[2].und[1].act[6].V'caus	(877) Hopoxižą k'ee hįgigiire. ‘They let me dig a hole.’ ★ (879) Hopoxra k'ee karagi hagigi. ‘I let him dig his own hole.’ ★ (1340) Hopoxra k'ee waįgigiire. ‘They let me dig the holes.’ ★ (1342) Hopoxra wak'ee hįgigiire. ‘They let me dig the holes.’ ★
C Resultative alternation more info	NNever		y
C Resultative & causative more info	NNever		y
C Superessive & benefactive (+ ha + gi) more info	MMarginally		y		(864) Xeeeja hopoxižą hįįragik'eną? ‘That hill over there, can you dig a hole on it for me?’ ★ (1285) Xeeeja hopoxižą hanįįgik'ekjene. ‘That hill over there, I will dig a hole for you on there.’ ★
C Inessive & benefactive (+ ho + gi) more info	MMarginally		y		(872) Moopoxeja hopoxižą hųųgik'aire. ‘They dug a hole for me in the cave.’ ★
C Superessive & possessive reflexive (+ ha + kara) more info	MMarginally		y		(865) Xeeja hopoxižą haakarak'ekjene. ‘I will dig my hole on top of that hill.’ ★
C Inessive & possessive reflexive (+ ho + kara) more info	MMarginally		y		(873) Moopoxeja hopoxhižą waakarak'e. ‘I dug a hole for myself in that cave.’ ★
C Instrumental & possessive reflexive (+ hi + kara) more info	MMarginally		y		(875) Hošorošra nąąksik yaakarak'e waa'ų. ‘I made this ditch using a stick.’ ★
C Instrumental & reflexive (+ hi + kii) more info	NNever	yaakarak'e 'I find sth for myself'	y		(876) *Hopoxižą mąąhiyaǧap hikik'e. ‘He dug the hole himself with the shovel.’ ★
C Detransitive / slot filler (wa-) more info	NNever		y
C Possessive reflexive causative (karagi) more info	MMarginally		y		(879) Hopoxra k'ee karagi hagigi. ‘I let him dig his own hole.’ ★ (880) Hinįk haara hopoxra ee k'ee hakaragi. ‘I made my son dig the hole for himself.’ ★
C Facilitative alternation more info	NNever		y

			*Valency Patterns Leipzig online database* is edited by Hartmann, Iren & Haspelmath, Martin & Taylor, Bradley and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported License.

k'ee

Coding frame × Coding frame The coding frame of a verb contains the information about the way its arguments are coded, either flagged (by adpositions and case-markers on the arguments) or indexed (by person-markers on the verb).

Examples × Example Glossed examples illustrate verbs, coding frames, and alternations.

Coding frame

Examples