Alternations of Hoocąk

Alternations
Alternation name Description Examples Verbs
C
y This is a valency increasing alternation that adds an undergoer slot on the verb for a location. At the same time it expresses A's ownership of (one of the verb's) Us (e.g. A sits --> A sits in one's own U).
(183)
Wiižukra wikįnįzizip waakawaža.
wiižuk=ra
gun=DEF
wikįnį-ziizip
oil-be.thick&sticky
ho-ha-ka-waža
APPL.INESS-1E.A-POSS.RFL-wipe
‘I wiped oil into my rifle.’
11
C
y By adding the applicative morpheme (-)gi- to the verb an additional undergoer slot is opened up. The undergoer slot thus created is most commonly filled with a beneficiary-like argument. In rare cases this slot can also be filled with a maleficiary argument. This operation is almost always valency increasing, however, the same operation can also be used to simply express a possessed U, in this latter case the addition of gi- may not increase the valency of the base verb.
(3)
Waarucra waįragišurukąną?
waaruc=ra
table=DEF
wa-ha<hį-ra-gi-šu>ruką-ną
OBJ.3PL-<1E.U-2.A-APPL.BEN-2.A>cover-POT
‘Can you cover the tables for me?’
40
C
y The addition of the instrumental applicative hi- to a Hoocąk verb allows the addition of an instrument-like argument to the main clause of the sentence. It is therefore a valency-increasing operation.
This derivation seems to be no longer productive and is often considered to be old-fashioned by native speakers. The modern way of introducing instruments is by means of a coordinated clause meaning 'X used Y and....'
(1)
Wa'įnąka hiš'ųanąga hįįrašurukąną?
wa'į=nąka
blanket=POS.NTL:DIST
hi<š>'ų=anąga
<2.A>use=and
hi-hį-ha<šu>ruką-ną
APPL.INST-1E.U-<2.A>cover-POT
‘Can you cover me with that blanket?’
26
C
y The locative applicative ho- is often used as a valency-increasing operation. When added to the verb it opens up an undergoer slot for a location-like argument. (e.g. waxų 'pour sth.' --> howaxų 'pour sth. in(to) somewhere')
In cases where verbs already possess a slot for a locational argument the meaning of this location is merely changed and the valency of the verb not increased (e.g.
cii 'live somewhere' --> hoci 'live in somewhere').
(25)
Mąąskook šuucxetera wikįnį hopaxų.
mąąs-kook
metal-box
šuuc-xete=ra
be.red-be.big=DEF
wikįnį
oil
ho-paaxų
APPL.INESS-pour\1E.A
‘I put gas in the big red can.’
17
C
y The locative applicative ha- is often used as a valency-increasing operation. When added to the verb it opens up an undergoer slot for a location/goal-like argument. (e.g. waxų 'pour sth.' --> hawaxų 'pour sth. on(to) somewhere')
In cases where verbs already possess a slot for a locational argument the meaning of this location is merely changed and the valency of the verb not increased (e.g.
kere 'put sth. somewhere' --> hokere 'put sth. on somewhere')
(21)
Waarucra ceewasnįra hikinų hapaxų.
waaruc=ra
table=DEF
ceewasnį=ra
milk=DEF
hikinų
accidentally
ha-paaxų
APPL.SUPESS-pour\1E.A
‘I accidentally spilled milk over the table.’
15
C
y The reflexive is a valency-decreasing operation. When the morpheme kii is added to a transitive verb the undergoer slot can no longer be filled with an undergoer inflectional affix and is thus blocked. (e.g. ruža 'wash sth./sb.'--> kiiruža 'wash oneself'.
In very rare cases this operation can also be used to express an autobeneficiary meaning, in these cases the valency of the verb remains unchanged (e.g.
ruxoro 'peel sth.' --> kiiruxoro 'peel sth. for oneself').
(730)
Wa'į šjuuc yaa'ųanąga haakituką.
wa'į
blanket
šjuuc
be.warm
hi<ha>'ų=anąga
<1E.A>use=and
ha<ha-kii>tuką
<1E.A-RFL>cover\1E.A
‘I covered myself with a warm blanket.’
30
C
y The reciprocal is a valency-decreasing operation. When the morpheme ki(ki) is added to a transitive verb, the undergoer slot can no longer be filled with an undergoer inflectional affix and is thus blocked. Verbs derived with the reciprocal occur in plural forms only. This morpheme is the reduplication of the reflexive kii and can also occur in its unreduplicated form expressing the same meaning. Therefore, reciprocal and reflexive and be ambiguous sometimes.
In very rare cases this operation can also be used to express an reciprocal-beneficiary meaning, in these cases the valency of the verb remains unchanged (e.g.
ruxoro 'peel sth.' --> kikiruxoro 'peel sth. for each other / peel each other's sth.'').
(9)
Xąąwį hįį'ų(wi)anąga hįįkikiruką(wi)ną.
xąąwį
grass
hį-hi'ų-wi=anąga
1I.A-use-PL=and
hį-ha<kiki>ruką-wi-ną
1I.A-<RCP>cover-PL-POT
‘Let's cover each other with grass / We can cover each other with grass.’
32
C
y This is not a valency-changing operation and is added here merely for the purpose of completeness, so that all verbal derivations are covered. The morpheme kara- (or kV-) is added to the verb to express A's possession of U (e.g. A carries the box --> A carries A's own box.)
(11)
Wiišgac waašįnįra waarakuruką?
wiišgac
toy
wa-ha<šį>nį=ra
OBJ.3PL-<2.A>have.NTL=DEF
wa-ha<ra-ku>ruką
OBJ.3PL-<2.A-POSS.RFL>cover
‘Did you cover your toys?’
55
C
y This is a valency increasing alternation that adds an undergoer slot on the verb for an instrument. At the same time it expresses A's ownership of (one of the verb's) Us (e.g. A cuts U --> A cuts on one's own U with I).
Since the instrumental is considered to be old fashioned, this alternation does not occur very often.
(179)
Wiižukra hanąąc wikįnįzizip wawiyaakawaža.
wiižuk=ra
gun=DEF
hanąąc
all
wikįnį-ziizip
oil-be.thick&sticky
wa-hi-ha-ka-waža
OBJ.3PL-APPL.INST-1E.A-POSS.RFL-wipe
‘I wiped oil on all my rifles.’
13
C
y A combined derivation with the reflexive and the possessive reflexive. This seems to be a new-ish development in the language (earlier it was thought that kii- and kara- occupied the same slot in the verbal template, which is not the case (any more?)).
This is a valency decreasing derivation, that basically means the same as the reflexive, but it can also have a holistic meaning in some cases (e.g. A washes U --> A washes him/herself (meaning the whole body)).
The combination of
kii+kara is mostly used by speakers from the Black River Falls area. Speakers from other areas prefer not to use it but understand what is being said.
(8)
Wa'į šjuuc yaakikuruką.
wa'į
blanket
šjuuc
be.warm
hi-ha<ha-kii-ku>ruką
APPL.INST-<1E.A-RFL-POSS.RFL>cover
‘I covered myself with a warm blanket.’
16
C
y A doubly valency increasing operation, that adds two undergoer slots on the verb (one for a benefactive, the other one for an instrument), e.g. A breaks U --> A breaks U for BEN with I.
Since the instrumental is considered to be old fashioned, this alternation does not occur very often.
(729)
Nąąra hanąąc waipereci wawįragišurukąwi?
nąą=ra
wood=DEF
hanąąc
all
waipereci
canvas
wa-hi-ha<hį-ra-gi-šu>ruką-wi
OBJ.3PL-APPL.INST-<1E.U-2.A-APPL.BEN-2.A>cover-PL
‘Did you cover all my logs with canvas?’
11
C
y A double derivation that re-arranges the verb's valency. While the undergoer slot is deleted by the reflexive, a new one is added through the locative applicative.
(31)
Kutei, nįį haakipaxų!
kutei
INTJ(male)
nįį
water
ha-ha-kii-paaxų
APPL.SUPESS-1E.A-RFL-pour\1E.A
‘Oh, I poured water over myself!’
6
C
y A double derivation that re-arranges the verb's valency. While the undergoer slot is deleted by the reflexive, a new one is added through the locative applicative.
(32)
Wanąą, nąącawara nįį waakipaxų!
wanąą
INTJ(female)
nąącawa=ra
ear=DEF
nįį
water
ho-ha-kii-paaxų
APPL.INESS-1E.A-RFL-pour\1E.A
‘I poured water into my ear!’
6
C
y This is one of Hoocąk’s four (periphrastic) causatives.
The causative verb
hii is by far the most common one, its meaning is that of a coercive causative (A makes U do X), but it is also considered to be the default causative.
It’s a valency increasing operation that can be used with both stative and active (intransitive and transitive) verbs.
(101)
Toora xere wahaa.
too=ra
potato=DEF
xere
boil
wa-haa
OBJ.3PL-make/CAUS\1E.A
‘I boiled the potatoes.’
65
C
y The causative verb kįį expresses a reflexive meaning (A causes self to do X). In constructions with the reflexive causative, causer and causee are identical. They are both expressed through the Actor indexing on the causative verb. It is therefore not a valency increasing operation, it merely re-arranges the valency.
This causative can also have reciprocal reading with plural As (A& U cause each other to do X).
(785)
Hąke hirakara ha'ųnįgi, neexjį xere hakįkjene.
hąke
NEG.IN
hirakara
take.care.of
ha-ųų-nį-gi
1E.A-do/make-NEG.FIN-TOP
nee-xjį
1EMPH-INTS
xere
boil
ha-kįį-kjene
1E.A-make.self-FUT
‘If I'm not careful here, I will boil myself.’
55
C
y This is one of Hoocąk’s four (periphrastic) causatives.
The causative verb
gigi expresses a permissive meaning (A lets U do X) and is considered to be more polite than hii.
It’s a valency increasing operation that can be used with both stative and active (intransitive and transitive) verbs.
(102)
Toora xere wairagiginą?
too=ra
potato=DEF
xere
boil
wa-hį-ra-gigi-ną
OBJ.3PL-1E.U-2.A-let/cause-POT
‘Can you boil these potatoes for me? / Can you boil my potatoes?’
66
C
y For this alternation the instrumental prefix is omitted and the suffix -re is added to the verbal root (e.g. ru-gaas 'A tears U' --> gaas-re 'S is torn').
This is a valency-decreasing operation, whereby the agent of the transitive verb can no longer be expressed and the patient of the same becomes the subject of the newly derived intransitive verb.
Only verbs which have been derived with one of the 8 instrumental prefixes can undergo this alternation. Not all of them do so.
(153)
Waagaxnąąka waną'ooke gaasraire.
waagax=nąąka
paper=POS.NTL.PL:DIST
waną'ooke
of.own.accord
gaasre-ire
be.torn-SBJ.3PL
‘The papers tore out of their own accord.’
6
C
y This is overall a valency re-arranging alternation. The resultative (see resultative alternation) is combined with one of the 4 causatives (e.g. ru-gaas 'A tears U' --> gaas-re 'S is torn' --> gaasre hii ' A causes U to be torn').
The meaning of the verbs formed through this alternation differs from that of transitive verb in that it expresses less volition or even an involuntary meaning ( A tears U vs. A (accidentally) causes U to be torn.)
Only verbs which have been derived with one of the 8 instrumental prefixes can undergo this alternation. Not all of them do so.
(154)
Waagaxnąąkre gaasre wahaa.
waagax=nąąkre
paper=POS.NTL.PL:PROX
gaasre
be.torn
wa-haa
OBJ.3PL-make/CAUS\1E.A
‘I'm responsible for these papers to be torn.’
5
C
y A doubly valency increasing operation, that adds two undergoer slots to the verb (one for a benefactive, the other one for a location), e.g. A breaks U --> A breaks U for BEN on/over L.
Since the superessive applicative does not always add an undergoer slot (see description there), this alternation may also just increase the verb's valency by one.
(204)
Wanįra hanąąc waaruc (hihak)regi waamąįragicgisną?
wanį=ra
meat=DEF
hanąąc
all
waaruc
table
hihak=regi
on.top=SIM/LOC
wa-ha-mąą<hį-ra-gi>cgis-ną
OBJ.3PL-APPL.SUPESS-<1E.U-2.A-APPL.BEN>cut-POT
‘Can you cut the meat onto the table for me?’
11
C
y A doubly valency increasing operation, that adds two undergoer slots to the verb (one for a benefactive, the other one for a location), e.g. A breaks U --> A breaks U for BEN in/into L.
Since the inessive applicative does not always add an undergoer slot (see description there), this alternation may also just increase the verb's valency by one.
(181)
Wiižukra wiikįnįziizip honįgipažakje?
wiižuk=ra
gun=DEF
wikįnį-ziizip
oil-be.thick&sticky
ho-nįį-gi-paaža-kje
APPL.INESS-1&2-APPL.BEN-wipe\1E.A-FUT
‘Shall I wipe oil into the rifle for you?’
7
C
y This is a valency increasing alternation that adds an undergoer slot on the verb for a location. At the same time it expresses A's ownership of (one of the verb's) Us (e.g. A sits --> A sits on one's own U).
(207)
Wanįra waaruc (hihak)eja hamąkaracgisšąną.
wanį=ra
meat=DEF
waaruc
table
hihak-eja
on.top-there
ha-mąą<kara>cgis=šąną
APPL.SUPESS-<POSS.RFL>cut=DECL
‘He cut his meat over the table.’
12
C
y A double derivation that re-arranges the verb's valency. While the undergoer slot is deleted by the reflexive, a new one is added through the instrumental applicative.
Since the instrumental is considered to be old fashioned, this alternation does not occur very often.
(216)
Mąąhįpahi himąąkicgisšąną.
mąąhį-paahi
knife-be.sharp
hi-mąą<kii>cgis=šąną
APPL.INST-<RFL>cut=DECL
‘I cut myself with a sharp knife.’
11
C
y The 3PL.U prefix wa- is used as an argument slot filler (detransitivizer) and thus the valency of the verb is decreased. In Hoocąk it is used regularly with the verb ruuc 'eat' only (though it is a common operation in many of the other Sioaun languages). The undergoer can no longer be expressed via an overt NP, but a general meaning like "something" is assumed (e.g. wa-ruuc 'A ate (something)).
(430)
Wahacgįnį.
wa-haac=gįnį
OBJ.3PL-eat\1E.A=already
‘I ate already.’
1
C
y This is the least common one out of Hoocąk’s four (periphrastic) causatives.
The causative verb
karagi is used when the causee is owned/belongs to the causer (A causes A's own U to do X).
It’s a valency increasing operation that can be used with both stative and active (intransitive and transitive) verbs.
(739)
Hinųga hinįk hiira waamįnąk serecra haruką karagi.
Hinų-ga
first.daughter-PROP
hinįk
son
hii=ra
have.kin=DEF
waamįnąk_serec=ra
couch=DEF
haruką
cover
karagi
cause.own
‘Hinu made her son cover the/his couch.’
65
C
y e.g. A breaks P --> P is easy to break.
For this alternation the instrumental prefix is omitted and the verbal root is (partially) reduplicated (e.g. mąą-cgiis --> cgiicgis).
This is a valency-decreasing operation, whereby the agent of the transitive verb can no longer be expressed and the patient of the same becomes the subject of the newly derived intransitive verb.
Only verbs which have been derived with one of the 8 instrumental prefixes can undergo this alternation. Not all of them do so.
(751)
Wiirohąra xųųxų wagi'ųąkšąną.
wiirohą=ra
kettle=DEF
xųųxų
be.leaky
wa<gi>'ų-ąk-šąną
<APPL.BEN>do/be-POS.HOR-DECL
‘Her kettle is leaky (e.g. as she is walking by).’
6