Alternations of Chintang

Alternations
Alternation name Description Examples Verbs
U
n This alternation is between the basic intransitive and the basic monotransitive frame. Intransitive S corresponds to transitive P. All intransitive or monotransitive verbs fulfilling certain semantic conditions (approximated as change-of-state semantics) can undergo this alternation. There are more verbs preferring the transitive frame than the other way round, so if one abstracts away from single verbs, the transitive frame may be viewed as the default.
(2)
Ugoji regadaŋse.
u-goji
3sPOSS-pocket
reg-a-d-a-ŋs-e
tear-PST-COMPL.ITR-PST-PRF-[3sS.]IND.PST
‘Her pocket has been torn.’
13
U
n All transitive verbs (monotransitive and ditransitive) can undergo this alternation (though examples have been entered only for a few). A is marked by the absolutive and linked to S-agreement. O stays present and in the absolutive but is not linked to an agreement position. The detransitivised frame is used when the quantity of O is indeterminate. Generally the transitive frames are more frequent than the detransitivised one, but a few verbs have it as their default due to their semantics.
(4)
Rameseyaŋ cie elo, parsada?
ramese=yaŋ
Rames=also
ci-e
eat-[3sS.]IND.PST
elo
or
parsada
sacrificed.meat
‘Did Rames also eat sacrificed meat or not?’
72
U
n This alternation is found with a handful of verbs coding potentially reciprocal action. It links the S of the intransitive variant to both A and P of the transitive variant.
(29)
Thitta mechacha lambube tubuhẽ.
thitta
one
mechacha
girl
lambu-be
road-LOC
tub-u-h-ẽ
meet-3[s]P-1sA-IND.PST
‘I met a girl on the road.’
2
U
n A couple of ditransitive verbs mark T either by the ergative case or by the absolutive (= zero).
(70)
Istamitraŋa sɨŋ ubhuktaŋnɨhẽ.
istamitra-ŋa
friends-ERG
sɨŋ
wood
u-bhukt-a-ŋ-nɨ-h-ẽ
3nsS/A-cover-PST-1sP-3p[A]-1sP-IND.PST
‘Friends covered me with wood.’
1
U
n Many verbs indicating movement to a destination can mark the destination either by the locative or the absolutive case (= zero). This alternation is independent of valency, so it also occurs with ditransitive verbs.
(83)
Saŋboŋ teĩ theke khadaŋse?
saŋboŋ
Sambugaũ
teĩ
village
theke
why
khad-a-ŋs-e
go-PST-PRF-[3sS.]IND.PST
‘Why has he gone to Sambugaũ?’
6
C
y If the A of a mono- or ditransitive action is identical to the argument linked to P-AGR (be it P, T or something else) the verb is marked by one or several discontinuous reflexive suffixes (mostly -na and -ce, depending on the form) and takes S-AGR person/number suffixes.
This alternation is possible for any mono- or ditransitive action that may be self-directed, i.e., there are no lexical restrictions.
Some combinations of stems with reflexive suffixes have become lexicalized, e.g.
cind- 'teach': cind-ce- 'learn' (lit. 'teach oneself').
(152)
Anaŋa khaŋnaancĩya.
anaŋa
1pe
khaŋ-na-a-ncī-ya
watch-REFL-IND.NPST-nsREFL-e
‘We look after ourselves.’
15
C
y In a situation with two or more participants where each participant is the A of an action directed to one of the other participants and at the same time the argument linked to P-AGR of the same action as directed to him by another participant, the reciprocal form is used. The reciprocal form is constructed by suffixing the bare verb stem with -ka and a full reduplication of the stem. In order to function as a predicate, this form requires the auxiliary lus- taking S-AGR person/number suffixes.
The reciprocal form can be formed from any mono- or ditransitive verb allowing for reciprocal action, i.e., there are no lexical restrictions. With ditransitive verbs coding both T and R by ABS the reciprocal action can take place between T and R instead of A and R.
(156)
Khaŋkakhaŋ lusi gari chitti likhi ta lusaŋsehẽʔ.
khaŋ-ka-khaŋ
watch-RECP-watch
lus-i
AUX-1p[S]
gari
when
chitt-i
find-1p[S]
likhi=ta
like=FOC
lus-a-ŋs-e-h-ẽʔ
feel-PST-PRF-PST-1sS-IND.PST
‘I felt like we could find something just watching each other.’
16
C
y The passive participle (suffix -mayaŋ) refers to a non-A argument of a mono- or ditransitive verb. The argument is P in the case of monotransitives and variably T, L, or R with ditransitives specifying these roles. For ditransitives specifying I it is so far only clear that the participle can refer to P.
As far as known, the passive participle can be formed from any mono- or ditransitive verb.
(176)
Bharkhari camayɨŋ likhiʔ ta namno.
bharkhari
recently
ca-mayaŋ
eat-PASS.PTCP
likhi
EQU
ta
FOC
nams-no
smell-IND.NPST[.3sS]
‘It smells as if it had been eaten just now.’
8
C
y The benefactive is coded by the vector verb -bid and introduces the beneficient (or maleficient) of an action as a new role. The new role attracts P-AGR. Apart from that the coding frame remains unchanged.
-bid cannot be suffixed to intransitive verbs. There seem to be no lexical restrictions within mono- and ditransitive verbs, though.
(163)
Ba regandobido ni!
ba
PROX
reg-a-nd-o-bid-o
tear-3P-CHANGE-3P-BEN-[3sA.]3[s]P
ni
EMPH
‘He's going to tear this one (apart)!’
27
C
y The causative is coded by the pseudo-vector verb -mett and introduces a causer as a new role. A-AGR goes with the causer, P-AGR with the causee (= former S/A). Other arguments (e.g. former P) remain unchanged.
-mett can be suffixed to any verb.
(175)
Theke khaŋamettuce?
theke
why
khaŋ-a-mett-u-c-e
watch-PST-CAUS-3P-3nsP-[3sA.]IND.PST
‘Why did you show it to them?’
36