Alternations of Bezhta

Alternations
Alternation name Description Examples Verbs
U
n The most agent-like argument appears in the Poss-essive case, the P in the Absolutive. The number of arguments of a transitive verb does not change in the Accidental/Potential Transitive Alternation, the accidental/potential agent stands in the Poss-essive case and the P remains in the Absolutive case.
(173)
Öždiqa qibo haʔoyo.
öždi-qa
boy.OBL-POSS
qibo
wheat.ABS
haʔo-yo
grind-PST
‘The boy could grind the wheat. / The boy accidentally ground the wheat.’
4
U
n The verb agrees either with the Absolutive Instrument or Absolutive Patient.
(58)
Öždi kid k'obalalid yäƛ'ello.
öždi
boy.ERG
kid
girl(II).ABS
k'obala-li-d
stick-OBL-INSTR
y-äƛ'el-lo
II-hit-PST
‘The boy hit the girl with the stick.’
1
U
n The Recipient is marked either with the Lative or with the Possessive. For permanent transfer, the Lative is used, and for temporal transfer the Possessive is used.
(60)
Öždi kibbaqa t'ek niƛiyo.
öždi
boy.ERG
kibba-qa
girl.OBL-POSS
t'ek
book.ABS
niƛ-iyo
give-PST
‘The boy gave the book to the girl.’
2
C
y The verb is marked with the antipassive suffix. Antipassive is formed from intransitive, transitive, and unergative predicates. The sense of Antipassive is durative. The S, S-a (subject in the ergative), or A appears in the absolutive, the P appears in the instrumental or is lost.
(66)
Öžö kibbaƛ'a laladayo.
öžö
boy.ABS
kibba-ƛ'a
girl.OBL-SUP
lala-da-yo
shout-ANTIP-PST
‘The boy shouted at the girl.’
44
U
n This alternation only occurs with the verb helal 'to boil', a labile verb.
(109)
Xo heleš.
xo
meat.ABS
hele-š
boil-PRS
‘The meat is cooking/boiling.’
1
C
y The causative suffix -l-/-ll- derives transitive verbs from intransitive or affective verbs, and ditransitive verbs from transitive verbs; in the latter, the causee appears in the Instrumental case.
The suffix
-k’- derives transitive verbs from intransitive inchoative verbs.
Intransitive compound verbs formed with the auxiliary verb
yaqal ‘to happen’ derive transitives by changing the auxiliary verb to yowal ‘to do’.
Some intransitive verbs do not use derivational suffixes but use morphologically unrelated stems to express transitive meaning.
A small group of intransitive verbs form transitives analytically with the verb
golal (gulal, gilal) 'put'.
(110)
Kibba łi ɣayƛollo.
kibba
girl.ERG
łi
water.ABS
ɣayƛo-l-lo
boil-CAUS-PST
‘The girl boiled the water.’
64
U
n The Accidental/Potential constructions with patientive intransitives require a new argument in the Possessive, while the Absolutive S argument remains unchanged.
In the Accidental/Potential construction of an agentive intransitive, the single Absolutive argument of the agentive intransitive verb is put in the Possessive case and the new Absolutive argument is used. When a new Absolutive argument is added to an agentive intransitive, the construction has a transitive meaning.
(141)
Öždiqa xöxƛ'äš eⁿš bekiyo.
öždi-qa
boy.OBL-POSS
xöx-ƛ'ä-š
tree.OBL-SUP-ABL
eⁿš
apple(III)
b-ek-iyo
III-fall-PST
‘The boy could make the apple fall from the tree. / The boy accidentally made the apple fall from the tree.’
9
U
n The recipient/goal/location alternation concerns the following verbs, ‘to give’, ‘to throw’, ‘to bring’, and ‘to send’. With the verb ‘to give’, the recipient is marked either with the Lative (for permanent transfer of possession) or with the Poss-essive (for temporary transfer of possession). Additionally, the recipient can be marked with the Poss-lative for non-permanent transfer, but this version occurs only very occasionally.
With the verb ‘to throw’, the goal argument can be marked either with the Apud-essive or the Lative or the Poss-essive. Each encoding has a slightly different meaning. An inanimate location argument is marked with the appropriate Essive.
With the verbs ‘to bring’ and ‘to send’, the recipient is either marked with the Lative (for permanent transfer) or with the Apudessive (for temporary transfer).
(87)
Öždi kibbadoy burti biƛ'eyo.
öždi
boy.ERG
kibba-doy
girl.OBL-APUD
burti
ball(III).ABS
b-iƛ'e-yo
III-throw-PST
‘The boy threw the ball to the girl (into her direction).’
4
C
y The Potential Alternation is a coded alternation (with the suffix -yɬ, -iyɬ after a consonant). The argument of the potential construction to which ability is assigned (i.e. the X of ‘X can Verb’) stands in the possessive case, corresponding to the ergative in the basic form.
(207)
Öždiqa hudo mašinalƛ'a mosoyłiyo.
öždi-qa
boy.OBL-POSS
hudo
firewood(III).ABS
mašina-l-ƛ'a
car-OBL-SUP
m-oso-ył-iyo
III-load-POT-PST
‘The boy could load the car with the firewood.’
51
The suffix -k’- derives transitive verbs from intransitive inchoative verbs.Such inchoative-causative verb pairs are a distinct class of verbs. The inchoative-causative verbs are verbs derived from adjectives and adverbs, expressing a change of state.
(194)
Öždi kid yäč'k'iyo.
öždi
boy.ERG
kid
girl(II).ABS
y-äč'-k'-iyo
II-cold-TR-PST
‘The boy made the girl feel cold.’
1
Intransitive compound verbs formed with the auxiliary verb yaqal ‘to happen’ derive transitives by changing the auxiliary verb to yowal ‘to do’.
(222)
Öždi gama ɣanq'izibooyo.
öždi
boy.ERG
gama
boat(III).ABS
ɣanq'izi<b>oo-yo
make.sink<III>-PST
‘The boy made the boat sink.’
2
C
y A small group of intransitive verbs form transitives analytically with the verb golal (gulal, gilal) 'put'.
(6)
Kibba öžö hič'egolca.
kibba
girl.ERG
öžö
boy(I).ABS
hič'e-gol-ca
fear-MAKE(I)-PRS
‘The girl frightens the boy.’
7
C
y The Potential Alternation is a coded alternation (with the suffix -yɬ, -iyɬ after a consonant). The argument of the potential construction to which ability is assigned (i.e. the X of ‘X can Verb’) is a newly introduced causer of the action and gets flagged by the possessive case.
(255)
Öždiqa gama ɣanq'izibaqiyłiyo.
öždi-qa
boy.OBL-POSS
gama
boat(III).ABS
ɣanq'izi<b>aq-iył-iyo
sink<III>-POT-PST
‘The boy could sink the boat.’
11
U
n This alternation is only found with the one verb ‘to run’. This alternation reduces the valency of this verb by one, although this is not visible in this database, since č'an is part of the verb form, not of the coding frame.
(119)
Öždi yiƛa č'anaɣoš.
öždi
boy.ERG
yiƛa
fast
č'anaɣo-š
run-PRS
‘The boy runs fast.’
1
C
y The antipassive 2 has reflexive meaning. This is only found in the one verb nizaal ‘to wash’. Note that this verb also has a semantically regular antipassive, see Antipassive 1.
(302)
Kid nizalaayo.
kid
girl
niza-laa-yo.
wash-ANTIP-PST
‘The girl washed herself.’
1